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Up to the middle of the eighteenth century Mazovia was a relatively homogeneous district of the kingdom of Poland, as far as both nationality and religion were concerned. Polish-Catholic peasants, living in the villages, were subject to noblemen who were also Polish and Catholic. The towns were inhabited to a great extent by Jews who engaged in trade and handicrafts and who often leased country and village inns and public houses from the gentry. The whole territory of Mazovia was covered by a network of Roman Catholic parishes, linked together in deaconries and dioceses. All inhabitants of the area, regardless of their social status, found themselves within the church's range of influence.

The situation changed in the eighteenth century when German colonists, Lutherans and Menonites, known as "Hollanders" started to settle down in the. Vistula valleys in the Mazovian region. The first Hollander settlements in Mazovia were established on the crown lands of Kazuń1 and Troszyn.2 Then, around 1790, private landowners also began colonization.3 In the eighteenth century the term "Hollanders" meant Mennonites, as shown in a 1674 letter by Bishop Andrzej Olszewski: "Hollandi vulgo ollandi agrestc hominum genus, sed agraorum, eximii cultures, quorum aligue ex parte Anabaptistae sund Mennonitae."4
ln the eighteenth century the meaning of the term "Hollander" changed. There were increasingly more Lutherans among the Hollanders, and the name presumably lost its national and religious meaning at that time. The term "Hollander colonization" referred to a certain type of land utilization, consisting in long-term leases in exchange for an annual rent-charge. The settlers were granted a special set of rights which made them dependent on the jurisdiction of their master and gave them wide personal and religious freedom.5

The first Mennonite to come to Mazovia was Betker, whom a landowner settled in the village of Sady, in the area of Swiniary, according to the contract:

For Martin Datzlaw, German citizen of the village of Sady, which is part of my land, Swiniary, with adjacent plots of land in the district of Gabin on the Vistula, for greater profit of my lands and to meet the request of Martin Datzlaw. By this agreement in Grad Wielki between Hollanders Jacob Nober and manista [sic] Betker... , I allow Martin Datzlaw to clear the brushwood for the right use as needed.6

Mennonite colonization, which started in the middle of the eighteenth century, continued up to the fall of the Polish Commonwealth in 1795. One of the reasons Mennonites settled in the territory of Mazovia was Prussia's occupation of the northern areas of Poland. As a result of the first partition of Poland, the majority of Mennonite villages located in the Żuławy region, as well as in the Vistula valleys in the region of Chełm, Grudzi±dz and Drezdenko on the Noteć River, were incorporated into the Prussian state. The anti-Mennonite laws of Frederick the Great were enforced in these areas. While the provisions of the laws of 17757 and 17778 relieved al Lutherans of paying tribute to the Catholic church, the ruling did not refer to the Mennonites, who had to continue to pay taxes to the Catholic church. The laws also limited the right of Mennonites to own estates. Frederick William believed that military service was one of the fundamental duties of his people and therefore opposed the Mennonites` refusal to serve in the army. In the edict of July 30, 1789, he announced:

Although, in respect of the freedom of conscience of our subjects, we are open to eliminate all kinds of compulsion, nevertheless, the good of our state requires that members of religious professions who refuse to fulfil one of the fundamental duties of our subjects, which is the defence of the homeland, and at the same time continue to enjoy all citizen's privileges, characteristic of all the subjects who eagerly fulfil this duty, that these persons recognize the obligation which is a small equivalent for the relief of this basic duty of all citizens.9

The edict imposed on the Mennonites additional taxes for the any, and special fees for support of the military school in Chełmno. This change in the legal status of the Mennonites caused many of them to leave their homes and move into the territory of the Kingdom of Poland. As a result of the second and third partitions of Poland in 1793 and in 1795, the whole of Mazovia became part of the Prussian state. However, this did not prevent the colonization process in the Mazovian region. Mennonite colonists were still going there. The authorities of the Warsaw Camera (council of economic advisors) had guaranteed them the right to own land, arid relief from military taxes. In the period of 1793-95 Frederick William did not change the legal regulations that had been valid for the kingdom of Poland. Agreements made by new colonists at that time were similar to the contracts made earlier with the Hollanders.

The Prussian government intensified its colonization activity in the period of 1799-1805, when settlers from overpopulated Württemberg and tlie Palatinate were brought to Mazovia through the mediation of the Prussian Camera (council of economic advisors). At that time new villages were founded in the government lands of Sanniki Lwówek, which were populated by Herrnhuter from ~Wurttemberg, and Jadwigów, Anatolin, Remiki and Szczawin, which were populated by Swabians,` As a result of the activities of the Prussian king's camera, a large number of estates owned or leased by Poles were taken over by new colonists loyal to the Prussian authorities. Many were Germans, the majority of whonr were civil servants. In this way the village of Olędry Czermińskie, also called Wymysle, together with the entire region of Czermno, was takcn away from Kajetan Debowski and given to the regional governor, Landrat Baron Frederick Wendesson. Other villages inhabited by Mennonites, like Wymy¶le, fell under German rule and were administered by Lutherans faithful to the Prussian state. The colonization of the newly occupied areas was the new owners' prirne concern, and therefore they promised to incoming settlers wide religious and personal freedom. The colonization was very irregular and chaotic. The colonists often travelled hundreds of kilometres, only to find themselves in the middle of a forest in an area completely unprepared for settling.10

The Napoleonic Wars (1807-15) as well as the creation of the duchy of Warsaw did not change the legal status of the colonists. Unlike Polish peasants, they still had civil liberties and the right to own estates. The laws of the duchy of Warsaw of May 9, 1808, regarding military service exempted the Mennonites from serving in the army.

As a result of the Congress of Vienna in 1815, the whole of Mazovia was incorporated into the kingdom of Poland, created in place of the duchy of Warsaw and completely controlled by Russia. As had been the case under Prussian rule earlier, it was important to move quickly to colonize government lands and private estates with German settlers, who, according to the authorities, were excellent farmers. To make the kingdom of Poland and attractive area for them, they were guaranteed the right to own private property, the right of personal freedom, and exemption from active military service. This latter provision followed the 1816 law regarding foreigners, which stated: "Those who arrive in the country, and their sons, shall be free from military service".11

The majority of the Mennonites living in Mazovia in the nineteenth century arrived in the period of 1816-40. The reason for this migration was the unfavourably laws introduced by Frederick William. The laws limited the Mennonites' right to own and purchase estates in Prussia. Czarist authorities realized that it would be best to guarantee numerous liberties to the Mennonites and invited them to the kingdom of Poland. The Mennonites were considered good farmers and citizens, loyal to the authorities. This view was expressed by the Treasury Commission of the kingdom of Poland: "So far the Mennonites who have settled in our country. Are well organized and affluent….. Exemption from military service will encourage people of this confession [Mennonit]e to own property in the kingdom of Poland with benefit for the country and its agriculture." 12

In the middle of the nineteenth century the colonization of Mazovia was completed. Settlers from Germany ceased to arrive in the territory of the kingdom of Poland, and thus ended one of the larger colonization movements in Mazovia. The following ethnic groups lived together in Mazovia: Polish Catholics, German Lutherans, Hernnhuter, Mennonites and Jews. In analyzing the relationships of the Protestants, Mennonites and Catholics to each other, one should note certain values that are deeply rooted in. the Polish culture and traditional thinking.
One value that shaped the national identity of Poles was "familiarity" as opposed to ""foreignness." For the Polish peasants and noblemen, the colonists coming to Mazovia were "aliens," Germans.

A German was always someone alien in Poland, and to such an extent that even the term "German"" was extended to aliens in general, especially to those coming from north-western Europe. In this sense a Dutchman, a Swede, a Dane, sometimes even an Englishman or a Frenchman, was "German." There were obviously always plenty of Germans in Poland. In the western part of the country they constituted a rich and largo group of inhabitants and often settled in villages as colonists."13

The foreign nature of the German colonists was emphasized by the rights granted them by the rulers of Poland, Prussia and Russia. In legal terms, colonists differed substantially from Polish peasants. The peasants belonged to the owner on the land they inhabited. Without his consent they could not leave the farm where they lived. In spite of attempts to change the law in 1846, it was only in 1864 that the peasants in the kingdom of Poland were emancipated and given land on which they could work. Until then, the master made decisions in the lawsuits of a village. He was the supreme authority of the place. On his behalf, village administrators appointed by him maintained order in the region. They were responsible for the execution of the master's law and made sure that the villagers promptly obeyed.

Colonists, on the other hand, were free before the law and did not free under the jurisdiction of the owner of the land they leased. The village administrator was appointed by the colonists and together with a jury decided lawsuits. The colonists leased the land on long-term contracts which they could terminate, or they bought the land.

The colonists could easily sell the right to lease land to other colonists, and move to other villages. Also, without any difficulty, they could legally sell land they owned. Those legal differences between Polish peasants and German colonists created the gap which did not let either group accept the other. The colonists did not fit the social structure of Polish society. Even though they were free, they did not enjoy the privileges of the gentry, who treated them almost as peasants. The Polish peasants' attitude toward the colonists was frequently hostile.

Humiliated by one group, rejected by another, the colonists were pushed outside Polish society. All Poles regarded them as aliens, i.e., Germans. Their opinion was confirmed by the colonists' attitude toward the Czarist authorities, one of the powers which had partitioned Poland. The colonists were loyal to the Russian authorities and publicly declared themselves against the Polish efforts to regain political independence.14

Differences in legal status were exacerbated by cultural differences. Most Poles regarded the colonists as aliens because of their different cultural identity. The colonists' clothes were different from those of the Polish peasants and gentry, often causing laughter and ridicule. For example, the female colonists wore rather short dresses, and on frosty days they wore hats. Eyewitness accounts show that Mennonite dress did not differ much from that of Lutherans.15 That is why the Poles could regard them as one group. Through their dress the colonists emphasized their social status and their foreignness.

Another element distinguishing the colonists was their architecture. They built their houses so that the cow shed, the barn and the habitable rooms were all under one roof.16" Polish peasants traditionally tried to separate buildings of various functions from one another, the shed from the barn and the house. According to Poles, living together with animals under one roof was a symbol of poverty. The colonists' style of architecture was ideally suited to the Vistula floodplains; it was perfectly adapted to geographic conditions. The type of houses built by the colonists was a permanent element of their culture, evidenced by the fact that the colonists who settled on uplands where there was no danger of a flood always erected their buildings under one roof. That was also the case in the Mennonite village of Wymy¶le, where such houses can still be found.17 Their architecture was an important element of their cultural unity.

Other cultural differences can be observed. A common food of Lutherans and Mennonites was potatoes. Although potatoes were generally accepted in the Polish kitchen, they were an object of ridicule. Another important dish was Dutch cheese. Various documents suggest that there was equipment for the production of Dutch cheese on almost every farm, whether Lutheran or Mennonite. That kind of cheese was not used by Polish peasants, and it was rare in the Polish gentry's manor houses.

As implied in the above-mentioned sources, legal and cultural barriers limited contacts between the Poles and the colonists. The ill will toward Germans, alien in culture and language, resulted in contempt and hatred toward their confession. Poles considered the German faith a "dog's faith." Evidence of this feeling is found in a letter from the pastor Nowy Dwór Mazowiecki to the Government Commission of Internal Affairs and the Police:

I real many times in the Gazetta the decree of Your Excellency of March 20, 1809, that promised great benefits to alt foreigners willing to settle in the duchy. Among the foreigners who could do this, there would surely be plenty of Germans Protestants, to be precise. However, will they not charge them minds if they hear from those leaving how many of them live here, and how the Germans are Field in contempt and hated by the country folk?18

For the majority of Poles, a German was a Protestant. At the beginning of the twentieth century Stanislaw Czarnowski wrote:
For many peasants, especially of an older generation, Pole and Catholic means the same thing, just like German and Lutheran. Catholicism strengthened the ethnic unity of Poles, and that is why a German, who is regarded as an alien, is presented as Lutheran. In traditional Polish thinking, a German Catholic is not a real German. A German Catholic is a strange, transitory creature who is a Catholic like a Pole, and yet speaks the language of Luther, in fart a creature to be pitied. He lacks something of what it means to be Catholic in the true sense of the word19.

An important element shaping the ethnic unity of Poles was Catholicism, which in much of its form and content differed from the religious practices of Mennonites and Lutherans. Polish Catholicism of the nineteenth century was expressed first and foremost in the communal participation in worship at the beat, territorial, village or parish level. The Catholic church's regular ceremonies formed the basic organizational element of this community and shaped and collared its coexistence. The inhabitants of each parish within a region showed special devotion for one patron, or image, or painting. This patron, or image, or painting was usually important only to them. These patron saints or paintings were worshiped in the religious centres of the region, usually in the local churches. In each village there was also a wayside shrine, the so-called figure, with the figure of its patron saint or a copy of its devotional painting."20

Mennonite contacts with Catholic clergy were limited to paying tithes to the local parish priests, and to inscribing births, weddings and deaths in registry books held by the parish priests. It is difficult to describe the relationship between the Mennonites and the Catholic clergy. There was a case in Kazuń in which a conflict developed between the parish priest and the Mennonite colonists in the village of Markowszczyzna. The priest demanded that the colonists pay their tithes in kind rather than in currency. The conflict lasted for several years, until the Government Commission of Internal Affairs and the police decreed that the priest collect tithes in currency.21

The priests who collected tithes from the Mennonites were obliged to inscribe their names in the registry books. No traces of conflict can be found in the register. One important fart shedding some light on Mennonite-Catholic relationships is that the names of witnesses are often repeated in the registry books. This suggests that in a village inhabited by colonists there were one or two who knew the Polish language. They were witnesses at births, weddings and deaths. Their names can be found in other legal documents as well. Some colonists signed documents with three crosses, or it was said, "since they cannot write, they place their signature, helped by the and of a priest."22

It is much easier to describe the relationship between the Protestant Church of Augsburg (Lutherans) and the Mennonites. A largo number of archival documents demonstrating this relationship have been preserved. These documents show that the Mennonites in the Kingdom of Poland were supervised by the Consistory of the Protestant Church of Augsburg. Evidence of this is a request by Peter Buller, on behalf of the Mennonite community to the Government Commission of Internal Affairs and the Police, that the right to keep registry books be granted to a teacher, Peter Ratzlaff. The Lutheran Consistory, when asked by the commission for its opinion, said that "Ratzlaff was too violent and not sufficiently prepared.'.23

Of interest is a document of the Criminal Court of Łęczyca addressing the Government Commission of Internal Affairs and the Police in regard to who had authority over the Mennonites:

It has been ruled in the case of Elisabeth Konke and Peter Buller, colonists from Deutsche Wymy¶le, that the above persons pleaded guilty before the religious court. Since they are Mennonites, and the Criminal Court does not have information about the spiritual authority of this confession in the country, the court has the honor of asking the noble Government Commission of Internet Affairs and the Police how the sentence should be executed."24

The Government Commission of Internal Affairs and the Police, in reply to the letter of the Criminal Court, said: "The Mennonite sect in the kingdom of Poland remains under the jurisdiction of the Consistory of the Protestant Church of Augsburg. Thus, Konke and Buller should be sent to the consistory to serve their sentence."25

Conflicts between the Lutheran church and the Mennonites were numerous. These conflicts were mainly caused by Lutherans who wanted to become Mennonites. In general, the consistory's decision was negative. This is what happened in the case of Peter Bartel, who 1843 applied to the Government Commission of internal Affairs .and the Police for permission to change confession.

The Lutheran consistory reacted sharply to the request and said:

The consistory bas the honor of declaring that it has the right to prohibit changing Christian confessions, and at the same time, the consistory feels that it has a duty to direct the Government Commission's attention to the possible need to prepare a law which would free the Mennonites from the army, so that those who arrived in this country would be free from military service. This right should not be extended to their children who join this sect. 26

The most interesting case is that of four Wedel brothers, sons of Cornelius, who applied to the Government Commission of Internal Affairs and the Police for permission to change to the Mennonite faith. The brothers—Julian, Henry, David and William Wedel--confessed before the chief officer of the village Czermno that they wanted to join the Mennonite sect since their "father was Mennonite," and also "since they liked morning and evening prayers very much." An obstacle to confessing the faith of their father was the fact that te chance, they were registered under the confession of their Lutheran mother, which was an error." And the mother confessed, "We lived earlier in the colony of Sady, among Lutherans, and since I am a Lutheran who does not know the form of the Mennonite sect, I brought up the aforementioned sons in the Lutheran religion." The record also noted that the father "was mentally deranged and unable to educate [his sous] according to his religion27.

A pastor of the Lutheran parish in Gabin got involved in the discussion and observed that the deceased Cornelius Wedel, the father, had been excommunicated by the Mennonite community because of his marriage to a Lutheran, and that he had baptized four of his children in the G±bin church, telling the pastor that he could bring them up in the Lutheran faith. The pastor, however, thought that the brothers' request to change to the Mennonite faith was not because of their wish to change to the faith of their father, but because of their desire to be freed from military duty.28

Was the reason for the Wedel brothers' request actually the desire to avoid military service? No one knows. In this case the chief of Czermno village confirmed the pastor's anxiety. He revealed that the person who persuaded the brothers to make that decision was a Mennonite from the village of Zyck, Jacob Penner. On the basis of this information, the officer said: "Penner presented Wedel's request, and his signature can be found both on the request form and in the official record. Moreover, David Wedel, a child brought up in the Lutheran faith, could not by himself think about another religion and know other confessions."29 In reply to this accusation, Jacob Penner declared that he had not told David Wedel to join the Mennonite sect, since Wedel was a perfect stranger to The conflict was settled by the Government Commission of Internal Affairs and the Police, which decided that:

it is forbidden for persons of Christian profession to change their faith to non-Christian, and among people of Christian profession only members of the Orthodox church are forbidden to change to another Christian faith. The Mennonite sect, of which the father of Daniel [Julian], Henry, David and William were members, is Christian, and therefore the problem cannot be discussed legally. The people who wish to join the Mennonite sect professed by their father should be helped by the consistory to remain faithful to the Lutheran religion.30

The sources do not indicate whether the Wedel brothers joined the Mennonite sect. However, in 1853 David Wedel married Juliana Wahl. Both names are found in the Lutheran register.31 The abovementioned sources show that the Lutheran church had formal authority over the Mennonites.

Of note is the opinion of the Lutheran Consistory regarding two Baptists, Gotfried Alf and Jacob Penner:

Colonists of German origin living in this country who claim to be Baptists are not really what they confess, and they have no idea of the principles of the sect. Rather, they are fanatics who, while pretending humility and the fear of God, lead less educated classes into error, arrange meetings and services at different times of the day, especially in the evening, and shamelessly perform immoral sexual acts—for example, with persons very closely related to them, thus bring guilty of incest.32

Lutheran-Mennonite relationships were quite different. There were cases of mixed marriage.33 Erich Ratzlaff's analysis of Mennonite registers 34 (Im Weichselbogen) shows that some of the people registered as Mennonites were inscribed as Lutherans in other documents. In 1833 Benjamin Ratzlaff was registered in the book of the Lutheran parish in Gabin35. Indeed, frequently the same people were registered as Mennonites and as Lutherans in different documents. Sometimes the birth date and the profession of a person differ. It should be reiterated that the colonists coming to Mazovia were not all of the same faith. There were both Lutherans and Mennonites in these groups, and they lived in villages with people of different confessions. It is hard to say when the first Mennonite community in Mazovia was established. Its centre from 1794-1802 was probably the village of Sady.

The first Lutheran community was established in G±bin in 1832. For the first twenty years the Lutherans were deprived of religious oversight. Such was probably also the fate of the Mennonites. In the first period following colonization, declaring one's religious affiliation before civil servants and parish priests was apparently not as important as in the middle of the nineteenth century.

During the 1820s the Lutheran church was poorly organized, and the dispersion of Mennonites in Mazovia caused members of these religions not to fully adhere to the principles of their faith, nor follow their religious practices. Different ethnic origins also resulted in differences in moral standards among the colonists, and these different moral standards resulted in illegitimate children and divorces among the Mennonites and Lutherans.36 According to Edward Kupsch, in Wola Wodzyńska every day there were men, both young and old, who spent the whole day in the inn. Even as late as 1858 it was reported that there was an alcoholic in almost every home. Some people knew well about the low moral standards of the school in Wola Wodzyńska and in D±browa, where every Sunday, after breakfast, the preacher and the teacher were inebriated, and the poor people were left in spiritual darkness.

The situation improved, thanks to the activity of Gotfried Alf and Jacob Penner, who led a religious renewal among the Mennonites and Lutherans. In 1897 a correspondent of the Warsaw paper Glos wrote: "A dozen years ago there were very few Mennonites among the colonists. Among them was Alf, a man of great heart and devotion who lived his faith and knew how to win the hearts of his neighbours, the German Lutherans. He was an unusual man, for not only did he turn his supporters into supporters of that religious doctrine, but he also tried to raise their moral standards."

The Mennonite principles were now obeyed rigorously, as evidenced by the behaviour of the Mennonite leaders in Wymysle. The elders refused to publish the banns of a marriage between a Mennonite and a Lutheran. Presumably, the reason for the refusal was the fact that the people had "illegitimate" children.37

In the registry books of the parish church in Czermno, there are no mixed marriages registered between Lutherans and Mennonites. It should be noted that this was caused by the Mennonites' practice of expelling from the church those who married members of another religion; as the pastor of the Lutheran church in G±bin wrote, "they were excommunicated." Prior to 1863 marriage banns were usual]y allowed to be published on the door of the Mennonite school in Wymy¶le. After 1863 the Mennonite church refused to place such information on the school door, despite the previous practice.

Little information has been preserved about the religious and everyday life of the Mennonites in the kingdom of Poland at the end of the nineteenth century. The only available material is a description of Mennonite life in the village of Wola Wodzyńska published in an 1897 issue of Glos, which stated: "Almost alb Germans brought by Kicinski are now members of the Mennonite sect. According to neighbours, there are no frauds, no drunkards, and no one of immoral behaviour among the Mennonites. If they notice something of this kind, they expel the wrongdoer from their group. They are good, calm neighbors, helpful and peaceful."

1 Warsaw, Archiwum Głowne Akt Dawnych (Central Archives of Ancient Records; hereafter AGAD), Warsaw, Archiwum Skarbu Koronnego (Archives of the Crown Treasury), XLVT, k.193.
2 AGAD, Zbiór kartograficzny (cartographical collection) 131-60
3 Wojciech Marchlewski, "Przyczynek do dziejów osadnictwa olędreskiego w ¶rodkowym biegu Wisły w XIX-XX w / do 1945 r.," Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej NIN, III (1988), 503
4 B. Schmidt, Kunstdenkmaler des Kreises Shtum (Gdańsk, 1898), 204.
5 I. Baranowski, "Wsie holenderskie na ziemiach polskich," Przegl±d historyczny, XIX (1915); K. Ciesielska, "Osadnictwa 'olederskie' w Prusach Królewskich i na Kujawach w ¶wietle kontraktów osadniczych," Studia i Materiały do Dziejów Wielkopolski i Pomorza, IV, no. 2 (1958), 219-56.
6 AGAD, Gostynińsko and Gabińskie vol. III, p. 269
7 AGAD, GD Sudpreussen 1049, p. 86.
8 Ibid
9 Ibid
10 Piotr Kokotkiewicz. Nowosolan wie¶ Herrenhutów" (Praca magisterska 1992) Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej Uniwersytet Warszawski
11 AGAD, Komisja Rz±dowa Spraw Wewnętrznych i Policji (Govemnet Commission of Internal Affairs and the Police) 227 p.9
12 Ibid, 6562
13 Jan Stanisław Bystroń, Megalomania narodowa: Niemcy w tradycji popularnej. Warszawa 1935 s. Ludwik Stomma. Tematy, które mi odradzano. Warszawa 1980.
14 Janusz Szczepański, Dzieje G±bina do roku 1945. Warszawa, 1984, s. 168
15 Archiwum Państwowe w Płocku, Notariusze Gostyninsko Gabińscy, akta 73 z roku 1836, akta 118 z roku 1835, akta 83 z roku 1849, akta 92 z roku 1852, akta 121 z roku 1855 akta 953 z roku 1818 akta z 1945 z roku 1818,
16 Wojciech Marchlewski. Przyczynek do dziejów osadnictwa olęderskiego w ¶rodkowym biegu Wisły w XIX - XX wieku /do 1945r. Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej PAN 1988 s. 506
17 Wojciech Marchlewski, Studium ruralistyczno - konserwatorskie wsi Wymy¶le Nowe, Archiwum Wojewódzki Konserwator Zabytków w Płocku. PKZ Warszawa 1985
18 AGAD, Centralne Władze Wyznaniowe akta 1272
19 Stefan Czarnowski. Kultura religijna ludu polskiego. Studia z historii kultury. Warszawa 1956, s.90.
20 Ibid, s91.
21 AGAD, Komisja Wojewódzka Mazowiecka - Rz±d Gubernialny Władze Wyznaniowe, akta 1058
22 APP, Księgi Urzędu Stanu Cywilnego Czermno , 1808 - 24
23 AGAD, Centralne Władze Wyznaniowe akta 1400.
24 AGAD, Centralne Władze Wyznaniowe, akta 1400.
25 Ibid,
26 Ibid,
27 Ibid,
28 Ibid,
29 Ibid,
30 Ibid,
31 APP, Księgi Stanu Cywilnego Parafii Ewangelicko - Augsburskiej w G±binie, 1853
32 AGAD, Komisja Rz±dowa Spraw Wewnetrznych akta 6562
33 APP Ksiegi Stanu Cywilnego Parafii Ewangelicko- Augsburskiej w Gabinie lata 1833, 1836, 1852, 1863, 1865, 1853, 1862
34 Erich Ratzlaff, Im Weischelbogen, Mennonitensiedlungen in Zentralpolen. Winnipeg 1971
35.AGAD, Centralne Władze Wyznaniowe, akta nr 1251, s 58.
36 APP, Księgi Stanu Cywilnego Parafii Ewangelicko Augsburskiej w G±binie, 1853 - 1856

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